The role of music in politics has been generally disregarded in the political arena. However, there has been an increase of musicians as activists revealing an increasing outspokenness in regards to political topics. Ulrich Franke and Kaspar Shiltz argued that these activities reveal a ‘political dimension’ in their activities.[1] John Street, argues that most musicians ‘spend their time not engaged in music.[2] However, Deena Weinstein argues that protest music is relatively rare, which calls into question why some musicians engage in politics.
This question has been reflected upon by John Street and he categorises it as ‘political activism and political polemic’.[3] The former alludes to musicians who use their status as to support causes or politicians, whereas the latter refers to those who uses their music to make a political statement.[4] He also adds that the two may be interlinked; however, the reason why musicians engage in politics may not be the same as why they express their political views in their music. Street further argues that analysing the biographies of politically engaged musicians can tell us the reasons for their engagement, giving the example of the Chilean singer, Victor Jara. Through experience and political awareness he produced ‘revolutionary songs’. Nonetheless, a biographical approach fails to explain why as musicians they engage themselves in politics.[5]
Political climate is a common reason given for musicians’ engagement in politics. Weinstein reflected on the sixties youth’s growing involvement in protests which happened simultaneously to their interests in rock music, creating a market for the music industry to proliferate protest songs.[6] However, this explanation can be too simplistic, as Street argued that ‘such a casual chain[does] not tend to show how it operates and why it affects only certain artists or types of music’.[7] The relationship between music and politics is far more complex, and by reflecting protest music as ‘politics of the times’. It becomes a catch-all category that deprives the term of any substance.[8]
The role of social movements in engaging political activities is another one that has been discussed. The link between political movements and music, Street argued, is not coincidental but an outcome of ‘identifiable interests’ that interlinks between the two.[9] R.Serge Denisoff similarly expresses this view: ‘they are created and performed in the context of some supportive organization such as social movements’.[10] In the context of social movement theory, Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison argue, in simplistic terms, that the world could be viewed through a ‘frame’ which can give recourses for mobilising social movements and therefore social movements provide a context in which protest music is heard and given meaning.[11] However, as much as social movements do provide a context in which musicians can assume political role, Weinstein argues that those social movements expect musicians to act as ‘truth bearers’.[12]
Franke and Shiltz stated that the growing recognition of political activism by ‘so-called celebrity diplomats’ may be linked to ‘pronounced trust in people’s capacity to solve problems jointly and without interference by institutionalised politics’.[13] Musicians have the ability to stir political movements amongst the masses, which many politicians can’t. Street argues that their ability to speak for ‘us’ , is due to their capacity in ‘representing contemporary identities’ and to ‘turn fandom into citizenship through the universal medium of communication’.[14] However, in order to represent their audience in political matters, musicians have to be legitimised. John Kane coined the term ‘moral capital’, referring to the way individuals gain power through assessment of them as moral beings.[15] The role of the media should not be undermined either. The way in which it represents musicians as legitimate voices in political issues can make the public take their view more seriously.
The power of music in society and the malign effects it can create amongst the population is not something that has been recently discovered. Plato recognised music’s profound effects, claiming ‘the music and literature of a country cannot be altered without major political and social changes’.[16] However, there are many cases in which music is not meant to be read as revealing a political message. State censorship and politicians’ involvement can ‘politicise ‘a song. Therefore, what needs to be understood is the extent in which pop music is meant to be read politically, and whether it is as radical as some people have claimed. Dave Laing made the distinction between ‘protest music’ and ‘music of resistance’. The former is an explicit statement of opposition and the latter is described as ‘coded or opaque’.[17] The ambiguity of lyrics in protest music may allow the song transcend time, however, it could also result in it being misinterpreted as being political when it is not. Simon Frith argues that that listeners tend to find the emotionality and the tone of voice is far more important rather than the actual lyrics, which can also contribute to the misunderstanding the song.[18]
Despite how politically engaged a musician is, for the music to have any impact, the listener must be captivated. Roland Bleiker recognises the ‘the political value of aesthetic’ and argues that ‘representation is always an act of power’.[19] Street also emphasises this, arguing that aesthetics ‘help to move people’.[20] Crispin Sartwell goes as far as stating that political realm can’t be fully comprehended without understanding its fundamental importance.[21]
In this essay, I aim to analyse the attempts of Bob Marley and John Lennon. I will explore their own political experience which spurred them into engaging themselves in politics, the strategies they took and the contradictions they faced. As my research has shown that both artists, despite their differences in background and strategies, never aimed to revolutionise the world, but to simply spread the message of love.
The majority of my primary sources will be derived from their own music, which was their most important medium of political expression, and which they used the most to spread their political message. This will give me an insight into what exactly they were spreading. Interviews are also an important source for my paper, especially with Lennon, as he conducted many to express his radical views. Marley was known for being vague in interviews and he expressed himself more in his performances, so I will primarily use his music.
Personal experience
The political songs of both artists were derived from their own personal experiences. From a young age, Marley was exposed to the realities of Jamaica’s poverty and the lack of political rights of the poor. In particular, he sensed the disadvantage of the majority of the black population in post-colonial Jamaica, who still suffered from oppression, violence and lack of education. His music shows his discontent with the authoritarian system, in particular with the white Europeans. The overthrow of ‘Babylon’ (the Western society) is a common theme found in his music. In 1979, when Zimbabwe was still called Rhodesia, he urged the country’s inhabitants to fight against the white minority in the song ‘Zimbabwe’ and in ‘Africa Unite’ he calls for the unification of the Africans, ‘cause we are moving out of Babylon’.[22] In, ‘Could You Be Loved’, he reflects on the unfairness of the education system posed by the ‘white mon [sic]’, telling them ‘don’t let them fool ya, or even try to school ya’.[23] His discontent towards politicians is reflected in ‘Rat Race’, in which he comments on the political ‘race’ in which they engage in order to gain power’.[24]
The political climate Lennon experienced was extremely different from Marley. His background was of white and class. During his rise to fame in his early twenties, he was too busy enjoying being a Beatle and he faced restriction from Brian Epstein in commenting on anything political. However, Lennon claimed that his anti-authority attitudes derived from a young age and he referred to himself as being ‘pretty basic’, but he considered himself as ‘always being politically minded’ and ‘against the status quo’.[25] He referred to the government as ‘the bully’ and portrays them as villains who ‘know how to gas (the protestors), and they have the arms and the equipment.[26] However, as the social protest movements increased in sixties Britain, Lennon became more aware of politics, and the ‘continual awareness of what was going on’ made him ‘feel shameless he wasn’t saying anything [sic]’.[27]
Along with his personal experience, Marley’s political view is derived from his Rastafarian beliefs. Rastafarianism voices the rejection of Western values, declares ‘Zion’ (Africa) as the birth place of humanity and aims to uplift the oppressed. Marley’s music carries Rastafarian undertones, with his protest song, ‘Chant down Babylon’, being about rebellion against Babylon. Unlike Marley, Lennon mistrusted the Church due to its connection to the state, and he argued that ‘The Church of England and all those things, they’re government’.[28] He satirises religion in general, due to its connection to the state.
Despite their differences in background and what spurred them into politics, both Marley and Lennon committed themselves to the working class struggle. They reflected on the common interests of the working class and raised the notion of resistance against the authority they each went against. Marley chants in ‘Rebel Music’, questioning ‘why can’t we roam this open country’ and in the highly popular song ‘Get Up, Stand Up’ he asks them to ‘stand up for our rights!’[29] Lennon urges people to ‘get on your feet’ in ‘Power to the People’ and relates to them in ‘Working Class Hero’.[30]
Both artists also committed themselves to non-violence. Lennon, in the song ‘Revolution’, declares, ‘But when you talk about destruction/Don’t you know you can count me out’.[31] In an interview with Playboy, he stated ‘Count me out if it is for violence. Don't expect me to be on the barricades, unless it is with flowers’.[32] Marley sent out the message against the violent eruption going on in Kingston, telling the ‘rude boys’ in Jamaica to ‘control your temper’ in his song ‘Simmer Down’.[33] However, this can be contradictory, as in many of his songs he proves to be unapologetic and even aggressive. In ‘Slave Driver’, he sings ‘Catch a fire/so you can get burn [sic], now’ and in ‘War’ he states ‘We Africans will fight/we find it necessary’.[34]
Nonetheless, despite both artists’ lyrics calls revolution, the extent in which they were the ‘voice’ of the revolution is questionable. Lennon felt that he was ‘someone from the working class’, however, he recognises that he was ‘playing the capitalist game’.[35] He tended to want to connect himself with the working class commenting, ’Everybody can read the Daily Mirror but not everybody can read The Times. So I go for the Mirror, you know’ and angrily retorting ‘I’m not that BOURGEOIS’ in response to John Hoyland’s criticism against him.[36] Marley expressed in an interview, ‘I mean they can live ‘free’ if they want to live like a middle class. But me personally can't accept that’.[37] However at the height of his success resided to uptown Kingston, living a life of pleasure. Both artists had to struggle with their own accumulating wealth whilst being surrounded by social upheavals and inequalities. Yet arguably Marley, having a first-hand experience in living in the ghettos of Kingston, understood the people he was attempting to represent.
Both of the artists also faced another contradiction in their political ideologies; the fact that they claimed to not hold any particular political stance. Marley on the one hand resonated ‘Revolution’, calling for social transformation to attain social and economic justice, but he was also a political abstentionist, rejecting to support any political party or social movements. Jason Toynbee notes the contradiction in Marley’s ‘powerful advocacy of struggle for radical change combined with eschewal of any practical means for achieving it’.[38] His resentment towards politics is heavily presented in his interview with Eric Benjamin: ‘The government compete against God -- the politics.’[39] Lennon, even in his radical phase told Red Mole ‘I began to realise that we are all oppressed which is why I would like to do something about it, though I'm not sure where my place is’.[40] However, he reflected at a later stage of his life that ‘radicalism was phony’.[41]
Both artists expressed their want for a social justice without placing themselves in any political positions. However, one conveying theme in both of their political ideologies was clear: love and peace. In ‘Fussing and Fighting’, Marley belts out ‘we should really love each other in peace and harmony, instead we're fussin' n fighting like we ain't supposed to be’ and Lennon’s anti-war anthem in ‘Give Peace a Chance’, simply asks listeners to actually ‘give peace a chance’.[42] They repeatedly called for the unity of people and spread of peace and, along with conscious raising songs, they use various strategies to spread this message.
Lennon, along with Yoko, did the Amsterdam bed-in in 1969. They recognised their status as celebrities and how it could be used for spreading peace, claiming ‘publicity is our game’.[43] Similarly, in the Vienna press conference, they coined the term ‘Bagism’, in which they covered themselves in a bag in order to not be interfered with, regardless of ‘what colour your skin is, or how long your hair’s grown, or how many pimples you’ve got.’[44] Another peace effort they conducted in the same year was the ‘War is over’ campaign, in which they rented billboards in twelve major cities, declaring those words. In an Interview conducted with Marshall McLuhan, a famous communication theorist, Lennon gave his reason for this campaign:
‘I mean, we’re only us no matter how much publicity we could get. And all that, and what can you do. What’s the point, you know. It’s been going on for millions of years. And we decided it’s better to do something than nothing. So we started doing something. Here we are, you see. (comically) Ta da, ta da la da da dum ta da.’[45]
It’s interesting how, the articles states that Lennon said that ‘comically’. Despite Lennon’s honest intentions, his strategies were controversial and also ineffective. This also calls into question how seriously he expected to be taken. The world responded to it by calling it an act of showmanship and gimmicks. He was aware of these criticisms and refuted it by saying, ‘but I'd like some of them to try it, and talk for seven days about peace’. Later he reflected on the bed-in as being ‘hilarious’. In the last interview before his death, he recognised the responsibility of being considered a revolutionary icon and the role he placed on himself:
‘I've never claimed to have the answer to life. I only put out songs and answer questions as honestly as I can, but only as honestly as I can -- no more, no less. I cannot live up to other people's expectations of me because they're illusionary’.[46]
Bob Marley started the idea of a concert theme that would mobilise a popular mood at a particular time of crisis.[47] He did the ‘Smile Jamaica’ in 1976 and in ‘One Love’ Peace Concert he famously joined the hand of the political rivals Michael Manley (PNP) and Edward Seaga (JLP). However, Smile Jamaica was taken as a political propaganda and it ended up in vicious shooting. With the ‘One Love Concert’, despite Marley’s efforts, immediately after the concert, violence erupted between the two political parties. As well as Lennon, he had hoped he could make a change.
Conclusion
Street argued that political activities by musicians are simply ‘embellishment to politics’ and they ‘do not contribute to anything substantial’.[48] Denisoff also agrees by arguing that there is ‘little, if any, concrete or empirical evidence that songs do in fact have independent impact upon attitudes in political arena.[49] However, one has to remember that was probably not the aim of the musician. Weinstein got it right by comparing protests musicians to religious preachers, whose aim are to ‘rally rather than recruit the troops’.[50]
Marley and Lennon did not aim to revolutionise the world. Even as super stars, they knew that wouldn’t be possible. However, they aimed to revolutionise the consciousness, to make people aware of the troubles of the world and to spread love along with peace. It’s worth quoting Marley in relation to consciousness:
‘A revolution that go on [sic] within yourself. When you a go win this revolution, or get bad, is when inside of this revolution that people a get conscious too’.[51]
Their artistic credibility and their ability to stir emotions worldwide, even from beyond their grave, shows how much of an impact a musician can potentially have in politics.
Bibliography
Books
Eyerman, R. and A. Jamison. Social Movements: A Cognitive Approach (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991).
Negus, K. Popular Music Theory: An Introduction (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1996).
Peddie, I. (ed.). The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).
Sartwell, C. Political Aesthetics (New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010).
Toynbee, J. Bob Marley (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007).
Articles
Bleiker, R. ‘The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory’, Millennium-Journal of International Studies, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2001.
Denisoff, R. D. ‘Songs of Persuasion: A Sociological Analysis of Urban Propaganda Songs’, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 79, No. 314, 1966, pp. 581-589.
Franke, U. and K. Shiltz. ‘“They Don't Really Care About Us!”: On Political WorldViews in Popular Music’, International Studies Perspective, 2012.
Frith, S. ‘Copyright and the Music Business’, Popular Music, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1987, pp. 57-75.
Lennon, J. ‘Correspondence between John Lennon and John Hoyland (1986-9)’, Liberation News, 1 May 1969.
Lennon, J. Interview with Michael Watts on Melody Maker, September 1971, http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1971.1002.beatles.html.
Marley, B. Interview with Eric Benjamin on ‘Bob Marley: Reggae is Another Bag’, 9 July 1975: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
Street, J. 2003. ‘“Fight the Power”: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2003, pp. 113-130.
Street, J., S. Hague, and H. Savigny. ‘Playing to the Crowd: The Role of Music and Musicians in Political Participation’, The British Journal of politics and International Relations, Vol. 10 No. 2, 2007 pp. 269-285.
Lennon, J. Bagism Press Conference, 31 March 1969: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1969.0331.beatles.html.
Lennon, J. Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
Lennon, J. Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
Audio
Beatles, The. ‘Revolution’, The Beatles (London: EMI Parlophone, 1966).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Africa Unite’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Could You Be Loved,’ Uprising (Kingston: Island Records, 1980).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Get Up, Stand Up’, Burnin' (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Rat Race', Rastaman Vibrations (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Rebel Music’, Rebel Music (Kingston: Island Records, 1986).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Simmer Down’, Simmer Down (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘War’, Rastaman Vibration (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ’Fussing and Fighting’, African Herbsman (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ’Slave Driver’, Catch A Fire (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. Zimbabwe’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Give Peace a Chance’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1969).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Power to the People’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1971).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Working Class Hero’, Plastic Ono Band (London: EMI Parlophone, 1970).
[1] U. Franke and K. Shiltz, ‘‘“They Don't Really Care About Us!”: On Political WorldViews in Popular Music’, International Studies Perspective, 2012.
[2] J. Street, ‘The Pop Star as Politician: From Belafonte to Bono, From Creativity to Concience’, in Peddie, The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006) p.51.
[3] Ibid., p.56.
[4] Ibid., p.56.
[5] Ibid., p.51
[6] D. Weinstein, ‘Rock Protest Songs: So Many and So Few’, in Peddie, p.51.
[7] Street, p.53.
[8] Ibid., p.55
[9] J. Street, ‘“Fight the Power”: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2003.
[10] R. Denisoff, ‘Songs of Persuasion: A Sociological Analysis of Urban Propaganda Songs’, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 79, No. 314, 1966, p.582
[11] R. Eyerman and A. Jamison, Social Movements: A Cognitive Approach (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991) p.138.
[12] Weinstein, p.56.
[13] Franke and Shiltz.
[14] Street (2006), p.58
[15] J. Kane, in Street, p.60.
[16] Plato, in Negus, Popular Music Theory: An Introduction (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1996) p.200.
[17] D. Laing, in Weinstein, p.50.
[18] S. Frith, ‘Copyright and the Music Business’, Popular Music, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1987, p.145.
[19] R. Bleiker, ‘The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory’, Millennium-Journal of International Studies, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2001, p.510.
[20] Street (2003), p.118.
[21] C. Sartwell, Political Aesthetics (New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010) p.46.
[22] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Zimbabwe’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979); Idem., ‘Africa Unite’, Survival.
[23] Idem., ‘Could You Be Loved,’ Uprising (Kingston: Island Records, 1980).
[24] Idem., 'Rat Race', Rastaman Vibrations (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
[25] John Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Lennon, in Daily Sketch, 1967.
[29] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Rebel Music’, Rebel Music (Kingston: Island Records, 1986); Idem., ‘Get Up, Stand Up’, Burnin' (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
[30] John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Power to the People’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1971); Idem., ‘Working Class Hero’, Plastic Ono Band.
[31] The Beatles, ‘Revolution’, The Beatles (London: EMI Parlophone, 1966).
[32] Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[33] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Simmer down’, Simmer Down (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
[34] Idem., ’Slave Driver’, Catch A Fire (Kingston: Island Records, 1964); Idem., ‘War’, Rastaman Vibration (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
[35] Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[36] Idem., ‘Correspondence between John Lennon and John Hoyland (1986-9)’, Liberation News, 1 May 1969.
[37] Bob Marley, Interview with Eric Benjamin on ‘Bob Marley: Reggae is Another Bag’, 9 July 1975: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
[38] J. Toynbee, Bob Marley (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007) p.168
[39] Marley: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
[40] Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[41] Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[42] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ’Fussing and Fighting’, African Herbsman (Kingston: Island Records, 1973); John Lennon, ‘Give Peace a Chance’. Plastic Ono Band (London: EMI Parlophone, 1969).
[43] Lennon, Bagism Press Conference, 31 March 1969: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1969.0331.beatles.html.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid.
[46] John Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[47] Toynbee, p.168.
[48] Street, p.134
[49] Denisoff, p.807.
[50] Weinstein, p.51.
[51] Marley in Toynbee.
This question has been reflected upon by John Street and he categorises it as ‘political activism and political polemic’.[3] The former alludes to musicians who use their status as to support causes or politicians, whereas the latter refers to those who uses their music to make a political statement.[4] He also adds that the two may be interlinked; however, the reason why musicians engage in politics may not be the same as why they express their political views in their music. Street further argues that analysing the biographies of politically engaged musicians can tell us the reasons for their engagement, giving the example of the Chilean singer, Victor Jara. Through experience and political awareness he produced ‘revolutionary songs’. Nonetheless, a biographical approach fails to explain why as musicians they engage themselves in politics.[5]
Political climate is a common reason given for musicians’ engagement in politics. Weinstein reflected on the sixties youth’s growing involvement in protests which happened simultaneously to their interests in rock music, creating a market for the music industry to proliferate protest songs.[6] However, this explanation can be too simplistic, as Street argued that ‘such a casual chain[does] not tend to show how it operates and why it affects only certain artists or types of music’.[7] The relationship between music and politics is far more complex, and by reflecting protest music as ‘politics of the times’. It becomes a catch-all category that deprives the term of any substance.[8]
The role of social movements in engaging political activities is another one that has been discussed. The link between political movements and music, Street argued, is not coincidental but an outcome of ‘identifiable interests’ that interlinks between the two.[9] R.Serge Denisoff similarly expresses this view: ‘they are created and performed in the context of some supportive organization such as social movements’.[10] In the context of social movement theory, Ron Eyerman and Andrew Jamison argue, in simplistic terms, that the world could be viewed through a ‘frame’ which can give recourses for mobilising social movements and therefore social movements provide a context in which protest music is heard and given meaning.[11] However, as much as social movements do provide a context in which musicians can assume political role, Weinstein argues that those social movements expect musicians to act as ‘truth bearers’.[12]
Franke and Shiltz stated that the growing recognition of political activism by ‘so-called celebrity diplomats’ may be linked to ‘pronounced trust in people’s capacity to solve problems jointly and without interference by institutionalised politics’.[13] Musicians have the ability to stir political movements amongst the masses, which many politicians can’t. Street argues that their ability to speak for ‘us’ , is due to their capacity in ‘representing contemporary identities’ and to ‘turn fandom into citizenship through the universal medium of communication’.[14] However, in order to represent their audience in political matters, musicians have to be legitimised. John Kane coined the term ‘moral capital’, referring to the way individuals gain power through assessment of them as moral beings.[15] The role of the media should not be undermined either. The way in which it represents musicians as legitimate voices in political issues can make the public take their view more seriously.
The power of music in society and the malign effects it can create amongst the population is not something that has been recently discovered. Plato recognised music’s profound effects, claiming ‘the music and literature of a country cannot be altered without major political and social changes’.[16] However, there are many cases in which music is not meant to be read as revealing a political message. State censorship and politicians’ involvement can ‘politicise ‘a song. Therefore, what needs to be understood is the extent in which pop music is meant to be read politically, and whether it is as radical as some people have claimed. Dave Laing made the distinction between ‘protest music’ and ‘music of resistance’. The former is an explicit statement of opposition and the latter is described as ‘coded or opaque’.[17] The ambiguity of lyrics in protest music may allow the song transcend time, however, it could also result in it being misinterpreted as being political when it is not. Simon Frith argues that that listeners tend to find the emotionality and the tone of voice is far more important rather than the actual lyrics, which can also contribute to the misunderstanding the song.[18]
Despite how politically engaged a musician is, for the music to have any impact, the listener must be captivated. Roland Bleiker recognises the ‘the political value of aesthetic’ and argues that ‘representation is always an act of power’.[19] Street also emphasises this, arguing that aesthetics ‘help to move people’.[20] Crispin Sartwell goes as far as stating that political realm can’t be fully comprehended without understanding its fundamental importance.[21]
In this essay, I aim to analyse the attempts of Bob Marley and John Lennon. I will explore their own political experience which spurred them into engaging themselves in politics, the strategies they took and the contradictions they faced. As my research has shown that both artists, despite their differences in background and strategies, never aimed to revolutionise the world, but to simply spread the message of love.
The majority of my primary sources will be derived from their own music, which was their most important medium of political expression, and which they used the most to spread their political message. This will give me an insight into what exactly they were spreading. Interviews are also an important source for my paper, especially with Lennon, as he conducted many to express his radical views. Marley was known for being vague in interviews and he expressed himself more in his performances, so I will primarily use his music.
Personal experience
The political songs of both artists were derived from their own personal experiences. From a young age, Marley was exposed to the realities of Jamaica’s poverty and the lack of political rights of the poor. In particular, he sensed the disadvantage of the majority of the black population in post-colonial Jamaica, who still suffered from oppression, violence and lack of education. His music shows his discontent with the authoritarian system, in particular with the white Europeans. The overthrow of ‘Babylon’ (the Western society) is a common theme found in his music. In 1979, when Zimbabwe was still called Rhodesia, he urged the country’s inhabitants to fight against the white minority in the song ‘Zimbabwe’ and in ‘Africa Unite’ he calls for the unification of the Africans, ‘cause we are moving out of Babylon’.[22] In, ‘Could You Be Loved’, he reflects on the unfairness of the education system posed by the ‘white mon [sic]’, telling them ‘don’t let them fool ya, or even try to school ya’.[23] His discontent towards politicians is reflected in ‘Rat Race’, in which he comments on the political ‘race’ in which they engage in order to gain power’.[24]
The political climate Lennon experienced was extremely different from Marley. His background was of white and class. During his rise to fame in his early twenties, he was too busy enjoying being a Beatle and he faced restriction from Brian Epstein in commenting on anything political. However, Lennon claimed that his anti-authority attitudes derived from a young age and he referred to himself as being ‘pretty basic’, but he considered himself as ‘always being politically minded’ and ‘against the status quo’.[25] He referred to the government as ‘the bully’ and portrays them as villains who ‘know how to gas (the protestors), and they have the arms and the equipment.[26] However, as the social protest movements increased in sixties Britain, Lennon became more aware of politics, and the ‘continual awareness of what was going on’ made him ‘feel shameless he wasn’t saying anything [sic]’.[27]
Along with his personal experience, Marley’s political view is derived from his Rastafarian beliefs. Rastafarianism voices the rejection of Western values, declares ‘Zion’ (Africa) as the birth place of humanity and aims to uplift the oppressed. Marley’s music carries Rastafarian undertones, with his protest song, ‘Chant down Babylon’, being about rebellion against Babylon. Unlike Marley, Lennon mistrusted the Church due to its connection to the state, and he argued that ‘The Church of England and all those things, they’re government’.[28] He satirises religion in general, due to its connection to the state.
Despite their differences in background and what spurred them into politics, both Marley and Lennon committed themselves to the working class struggle. They reflected on the common interests of the working class and raised the notion of resistance against the authority they each went against. Marley chants in ‘Rebel Music’, questioning ‘why can’t we roam this open country’ and in the highly popular song ‘Get Up, Stand Up’ he asks them to ‘stand up for our rights!’[29] Lennon urges people to ‘get on your feet’ in ‘Power to the People’ and relates to them in ‘Working Class Hero’.[30]
Both artists also committed themselves to non-violence. Lennon, in the song ‘Revolution’, declares, ‘But when you talk about destruction/Don’t you know you can count me out’.[31] In an interview with Playboy, he stated ‘Count me out if it is for violence. Don't expect me to be on the barricades, unless it is with flowers’.[32] Marley sent out the message against the violent eruption going on in Kingston, telling the ‘rude boys’ in Jamaica to ‘control your temper’ in his song ‘Simmer Down’.[33] However, this can be contradictory, as in many of his songs he proves to be unapologetic and even aggressive. In ‘Slave Driver’, he sings ‘Catch a fire/so you can get burn [sic], now’ and in ‘War’ he states ‘We Africans will fight/we find it necessary’.[34]
Nonetheless, despite both artists’ lyrics calls revolution, the extent in which they were the ‘voice’ of the revolution is questionable. Lennon felt that he was ‘someone from the working class’, however, he recognises that he was ‘playing the capitalist game’.[35] He tended to want to connect himself with the working class commenting, ’Everybody can read the Daily Mirror but not everybody can read The Times. So I go for the Mirror, you know’ and angrily retorting ‘I’m not that BOURGEOIS’ in response to John Hoyland’s criticism against him.[36] Marley expressed in an interview, ‘I mean they can live ‘free’ if they want to live like a middle class. But me personally can't accept that’.[37] However at the height of his success resided to uptown Kingston, living a life of pleasure. Both artists had to struggle with their own accumulating wealth whilst being surrounded by social upheavals and inequalities. Yet arguably Marley, having a first-hand experience in living in the ghettos of Kingston, understood the people he was attempting to represent.
Both of the artists also faced another contradiction in their political ideologies; the fact that they claimed to not hold any particular political stance. Marley on the one hand resonated ‘Revolution’, calling for social transformation to attain social and economic justice, but he was also a political abstentionist, rejecting to support any political party or social movements. Jason Toynbee notes the contradiction in Marley’s ‘powerful advocacy of struggle for radical change combined with eschewal of any practical means for achieving it’.[38] His resentment towards politics is heavily presented in his interview with Eric Benjamin: ‘The government compete against God -- the politics.’[39] Lennon, even in his radical phase told Red Mole ‘I began to realise that we are all oppressed which is why I would like to do something about it, though I'm not sure where my place is’.[40] However, he reflected at a later stage of his life that ‘radicalism was phony’.[41]
Both artists expressed their want for a social justice without placing themselves in any political positions. However, one conveying theme in both of their political ideologies was clear: love and peace. In ‘Fussing and Fighting’, Marley belts out ‘we should really love each other in peace and harmony, instead we're fussin' n fighting like we ain't supposed to be’ and Lennon’s anti-war anthem in ‘Give Peace a Chance’, simply asks listeners to actually ‘give peace a chance’.[42] They repeatedly called for the unity of people and spread of peace and, along with conscious raising songs, they use various strategies to spread this message.
Lennon, along with Yoko, did the Amsterdam bed-in in 1969. They recognised their status as celebrities and how it could be used for spreading peace, claiming ‘publicity is our game’.[43] Similarly, in the Vienna press conference, they coined the term ‘Bagism’, in which they covered themselves in a bag in order to not be interfered with, regardless of ‘what colour your skin is, or how long your hair’s grown, or how many pimples you’ve got.’[44] Another peace effort they conducted in the same year was the ‘War is over’ campaign, in which they rented billboards in twelve major cities, declaring those words. In an Interview conducted with Marshall McLuhan, a famous communication theorist, Lennon gave his reason for this campaign:
‘I mean, we’re only us no matter how much publicity we could get. And all that, and what can you do. What’s the point, you know. It’s been going on for millions of years. And we decided it’s better to do something than nothing. So we started doing something. Here we are, you see. (comically) Ta da, ta da la da da dum ta da.’[45]
It’s interesting how, the articles states that Lennon said that ‘comically’. Despite Lennon’s honest intentions, his strategies were controversial and also ineffective. This also calls into question how seriously he expected to be taken. The world responded to it by calling it an act of showmanship and gimmicks. He was aware of these criticisms and refuted it by saying, ‘but I'd like some of them to try it, and talk for seven days about peace’. Later he reflected on the bed-in as being ‘hilarious’. In the last interview before his death, he recognised the responsibility of being considered a revolutionary icon and the role he placed on himself:
‘I've never claimed to have the answer to life. I only put out songs and answer questions as honestly as I can, but only as honestly as I can -- no more, no less. I cannot live up to other people's expectations of me because they're illusionary’.[46]
Bob Marley started the idea of a concert theme that would mobilise a popular mood at a particular time of crisis.[47] He did the ‘Smile Jamaica’ in 1976 and in ‘One Love’ Peace Concert he famously joined the hand of the political rivals Michael Manley (PNP) and Edward Seaga (JLP). However, Smile Jamaica was taken as a political propaganda and it ended up in vicious shooting. With the ‘One Love Concert’, despite Marley’s efforts, immediately after the concert, violence erupted between the two political parties. As well as Lennon, he had hoped he could make a change.
Conclusion
Street argued that political activities by musicians are simply ‘embellishment to politics’ and they ‘do not contribute to anything substantial’.[48] Denisoff also agrees by arguing that there is ‘little, if any, concrete or empirical evidence that songs do in fact have independent impact upon attitudes in political arena.[49] However, one has to remember that was probably not the aim of the musician. Weinstein got it right by comparing protests musicians to religious preachers, whose aim are to ‘rally rather than recruit the troops’.[50]
Marley and Lennon did not aim to revolutionise the world. Even as super stars, they knew that wouldn’t be possible. However, they aimed to revolutionise the consciousness, to make people aware of the troubles of the world and to spread love along with peace. It’s worth quoting Marley in relation to consciousness:
‘A revolution that go on [sic] within yourself. When you a go win this revolution, or get bad, is when inside of this revolution that people a get conscious too’.[51]
Their artistic credibility and their ability to stir emotions worldwide, even from beyond their grave, shows how much of an impact a musician can potentially have in politics.
Bibliography
Books
Eyerman, R. and A. Jamison. Social Movements: A Cognitive Approach (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991).
Negus, K. Popular Music Theory: An Introduction (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1996).
Peddie, I. (ed.). The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006).
Sartwell, C. Political Aesthetics (New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010).
Toynbee, J. Bob Marley (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007).
Articles
Bleiker, R. ‘The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory’, Millennium-Journal of International Studies, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2001.
Denisoff, R. D. ‘Songs of Persuasion: A Sociological Analysis of Urban Propaganda Songs’, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 79, No. 314, 1966, pp. 581-589.
Franke, U. and K. Shiltz. ‘“They Don't Really Care About Us!”: On Political WorldViews in Popular Music’, International Studies Perspective, 2012.
Frith, S. ‘Copyright and the Music Business’, Popular Music, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1987, pp. 57-75.
Lennon, J. ‘Correspondence between John Lennon and John Hoyland (1986-9)’, Liberation News, 1 May 1969.
Lennon, J. Interview with Michael Watts on Melody Maker, September 1971, http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1971.1002.beatles.html.
Marley, B. Interview with Eric Benjamin on ‘Bob Marley: Reggae is Another Bag’, 9 July 1975: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
Street, J. 2003. ‘“Fight the Power”: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2003, pp. 113-130.
Street, J., S. Hague, and H. Savigny. ‘Playing to the Crowd: The Role of Music and Musicians in Political Participation’, The British Journal of politics and International Relations, Vol. 10 No. 2, 2007 pp. 269-285.
Lennon, J. Bagism Press Conference, 31 March 1969: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1969.0331.beatles.html.
Lennon, J. Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
Lennon, J. Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
Audio
Beatles, The. ‘Revolution’, The Beatles (London: EMI Parlophone, 1966).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Africa Unite’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Could You Be Loved,’ Uprising (Kingston: Island Records, 1980).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Get Up, Stand Up’, Burnin' (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Rat Race', Rastaman Vibrations (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Rebel Music’, Rebel Music (Kingston: Island Records, 1986).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘Simmer Down’, Simmer Down (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ‘War’, Rastaman Vibration (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ’Fussing and Fighting’, African Herbsman (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. ’Slave Driver’, Catch A Fire (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
Bob Marley and The Wailers. Zimbabwe’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Give Peace a Chance’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1969).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Power to the People’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1971).
John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Working Class Hero’, Plastic Ono Band (London: EMI Parlophone, 1970).
[1] U. Franke and K. Shiltz, ‘‘“They Don't Really Care About Us!”: On Political WorldViews in Popular Music’, International Studies Perspective, 2012.
[2] J. Street, ‘The Pop Star as Politician: From Belafonte to Bono, From Creativity to Concience’, in Peddie, The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006) p.51.
[3] Ibid., p.56.
[4] Ibid., p.56.
[5] Ibid., p.51
[6] D. Weinstein, ‘Rock Protest Songs: So Many and So Few’, in Peddie, p.51.
[7] Street, p.53.
[8] Ibid., p.55
[9] J. Street, ‘“Fight the Power”: The Politics of Music and the Music of Politics’, Government and Opposition, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2003.
[10] R. Denisoff, ‘Songs of Persuasion: A Sociological Analysis of Urban Propaganda Songs’, The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 79, No. 314, 1966, p.582
[11] R. Eyerman and A. Jamison, Social Movements: A Cognitive Approach (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991) p.138.
[12] Weinstein, p.56.
[13] Franke and Shiltz.
[14] Street (2006), p.58
[15] J. Kane, in Street, p.60.
[16] Plato, in Negus, Popular Music Theory: An Introduction (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1996) p.200.
[17] D. Laing, in Weinstein, p.50.
[18] S. Frith, ‘Copyright and the Music Business’, Popular Music, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1987, p.145.
[19] R. Bleiker, ‘The Aesthetic Turn in International Political Theory’, Millennium-Journal of International Studies, Vol. 30, No. 3, 2001, p.510.
[20] Street (2003), p.118.
[21] C. Sartwell, Political Aesthetics (New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010) p.46.
[22] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Zimbabwe’, Survival (Kingston: Island Records, 1979); Idem., ‘Africa Unite’, Survival.
[23] Idem., ‘Could You Be Loved,’ Uprising (Kingston: Island Records, 1980).
[24] Idem., 'Rat Race', Rastaman Vibrations (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
[25] John Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Lennon, in Daily Sketch, 1967.
[29] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Rebel Music’, Rebel Music (Kingston: Island Records, 1986); Idem., ‘Get Up, Stand Up’, Burnin' (Kingston: Island Records, 1973).
[30] John Lennon/Plastic Ono Band, ‘Power to the People’ (London: EMI Parlophone, 1971); Idem., ‘Working Class Hero’, Plastic Ono Band.
[31] The Beatles, ‘Revolution’, The Beatles (London: EMI Parlophone, 1966).
[32] Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[33] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ‘Simmer down’, Simmer Down (Kingston: Island Records, 1964).
[34] Idem., ’Slave Driver’, Catch A Fire (Kingston: Island Records, 1964); Idem., ‘War’, Rastaman Vibration (Kingston: Island Records, 1976).
[35] Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole, 1 January 1971: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[36] Idem., ‘Correspondence between John Lennon and John Hoyland (1986-9)’, Liberation News, 1 May 1969.
[37] Bob Marley, Interview with Eric Benjamin on ‘Bob Marley: Reggae is Another Bag’, 9 July 1975: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
[38] J. Toynbee, Bob Marley (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2007) p.168
[39] Marley: http://rastafusion.free.fr/bobspeech.htm.
[40] Lennon, Interview with Tariq Ali on Red Mole: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[41] Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[42] Bob Marley and The Wailers, ’Fussing and Fighting’, African Herbsman (Kingston: Island Records, 1973); John Lennon, ‘Give Peace a Chance’. Plastic Ono Band (London: EMI Parlophone, 1969).
[43] Lennon, Bagism Press Conference, 31 March 1969: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1969.0331.beatles.html.
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid.
[46] John Lennon, Interview with David Sheff on Playboy, September 1980: http://www.beatlesinterviews.org/db1980.jlpb.beatles.html.
[47] Toynbee, p.168.
[48] Street, p.134
[49] Denisoff, p.807.
[50] Weinstein, p.51.
[51] Marley in Toynbee.